(Reuters) – Syrian activist Mahmoud Ali walked for two days across
rugged hills to Turkey to collect a satellite phone and video equipment promised by dissidents in exile, only to draw a
blank. The soft-spoken teacher, wanted by the Syrian authorities for membership of the grassroots Local Coordination
Committees (LCC), had dodged landmines, helicopters, army shelling and roadblocks in his home province of Idlib to reach the
border. “It has been all in vain,” he said. “Communications in most of Idlib have been cut for three months and we cannot get
a Thuraya (satellite) phone because of the incompetence, or corruption, of the opposition on the outside.”
Ali’s story encapsulates
the logistical shortcomings of a year-long popular uprising that has morphedn in places, into an insurgency against Syrian
President Bashar al-Assad, who derides his divided opponents as foreign-backed Islamist “terrorists”.
The 27-year-old
says he wants to show the world peaceful anti-Assad protests as well as tank and artillery bombardment of dozens of towns and
villages in Idlib province which are still under fire despite plans for a U.N.-backed ceasefire next week.
Assad has
agreed to U.N.-Arab League envoy Kofi Annan’s plan for Syrian troops to pull back from restive towns and cities by April 10
before a truce with rebels and a political dialogue, but the Syrian leader’s critics mistrust his
intentions.
Militarily, the outgunned insurgents are in disarray, but a year of bloodshed which the United Nations
says has cost more than 9,000 lives has failed to quell the anti-Assad rising.
It is the haphazard effort to aid the
struggle in Syria that angers Ali and others
exposed to Assad’s wrath – 40 out of 45 of his LCC comrades in central Idlib have been arrested or killed.
Ali was
told that the opposition Syrian National Council (SNC) had sent $17,000 to an operative in the Turkish city of Antakya to buy
him cameras, satellite phones and internet video broadcasting equipment, but when he contacted the operative he was given a
run-around and returned empty-handed to Syria.
INTERNAL SQUABBLING
“The SNC are squabbling and drafting plans
for a post-Assad Syria while not getting simple logistical requirements right,” Ali fumed. “The regime cannot annihilate the
revolt, but the revolt will not be able to topple it without outside support.”
Prodded by Western and Arab powers
alarmed by opposition disunity, the SNC said last week it would close ranks with its critics and help the revolt in Syria,
where activists rage at woeful shortages of medical supplies and communications kit.
SNC head Burhan Ghalioun promised
efforts to arm and finance the rebel Syrian
Free Army, but said it was paramount to support those organizing peaceful protests at the heart of the revolt.
“The
opposition’s performance has been below expectations,” Ghalioun, a secular Paris-based academic, said of the fractious
council in which the Muslim Brotherhood has a strong presence.
Human rights lawyer Catherine al-Talli, who spent time
in jail after leading a protest in a Damascus suburb, said the SNC must loosen the Brotherhood’s grip on aid distribution,
accusing the Islamists of channeling supplies only to their supporters.
“Activists like Ali with no political
affiliation have no one to help them,” said Talli, who quit the SNC two months ago.
“Outside the SNC, you have
individuals giving aid to their own regions, instead of thinking of the homeland as a whole, which weakens the revolt and
costs more lives,” she complained.
Brotherhood sympathizers disagree with this portrayal of their role.
“A
Brotherhood official heads the SNCs relief committee but they do not monopolies it, and money is equally distributed to
activists’ groups on the inside,” said Islamist SNC member Abdelrahman al Haj. “We must not forget though that the
Brotherhood has its own relief and aid organization.”
None of this has eroded Ali’s adhesion to a cause he joined
early in the revolt against 42 years of Assad family rule.
“I shouted for freedom and it felt so good, although I was
afraid,” he said, acknowledging that once-daily protests were now limited to Fridays after prayers and funerals of
“martyrs”.
Ali recalled the humiliation he had felt as a conscript in 2007 when military intelligence had forced all
those in his battalion to “pierce our fingers and write yes with our blood to Bashar on ballot papers” in a presidential
referendum.
“CORRUPTION AND BLACKMAIL”
“Everything became riddled with corruption and blackmail. The lowest
security official could throw me out of my job and control my destiny,” he said of his $200 a month teaching post in Idlib
before he went on the run seven months ago.
Ali, who used to supplement his income with bee-keeping, would bribe
officials not to transfer him away from Idlib.
Idlib, along with the neighboring province of Hama, bore the brunt of
repression when Assad’s father, the late Hafez al-Assad crushed an armed Islamist uprising in the 1980s.
Syrians were
quiescent for decades after those bloody events, in which the military destroyed Hama’s Old City, but activists say they
will no longer stay silent.
Abdelbasset Othman, 17, a high school student who helped guide Ali across territory
riddled with Syrian tanks and snipers, said 15 tanks and armored vehicles had occupied his home village of Izmarin on the
border with Turkey this week.
“The mayor went around neighborhoods reading a statement by their commander that they
will paint over (anti-Assad) graffiti and will shell any building where it re-appears. We have nothing to resist with, but we
will not be subdued,” he said.
Nevertheless, hundreds of civilians are fleeing military assaults. Turkish officials
say more than 1,600 have crossed the border in the past two days. More than 3,000 Syrian refugees now occupy the white tents
of a new camp erected in farmland southwest of Antakya against a backdrop of snowcapped peaks.
Two veteran dissidents
who fled Syria to escape a wave of killings of human rights campaigners and protest leaders said the revolution would triumph
despite the lack of supplies.
“This is a popular revolution where three-quarters of the population is against the
regime. The army is having to storm cities and towns several times over and every time the revolt picks up,” said Fawaz
Tello, a leader of the 2001 “Damascus Spring” movement who spent five years as a political prisoner.
MORTAL
STRUGGLE
“The two sides are locked in a struggle to death and in the end one side will triumph. It will not be
Bashar.”
Tello said activists in Syria had to “hold on for a couple more months as the international position turns
against Bashar and the supply problem, civilian and otherwise, is solved”.
Fellow-dissident Mazen Adi said
poorly-armed rebels were focusing on guerrilla tactics and broadening the popular support base, rather than mistaken attempts
to hold urban strongholds which were then subjected to withering army bombardments.
“The rebels tried to fight open
battles with the army and hold on to cities in the hope of encouraging more army defectors but the regime simply shelled
these areas mercilessly and the civilian population suffered greatly,” Adi said.
(Editing by Alistair Lyon)